The ‘Far-Right’: Maggots of a Rotting System

How do we view the ‘far-right’?

The root of the problem lies in the capitalist system itself, the very system that spawns all reactionary currents, including the far-right in its manifold forms (alt-right, libertarian, etc.) and the fascist elements that thrive within it. These forces are not anomalies; they are the spawns of capitalism, an extension of its long arm.

It is no coincidence that these elements gain momentum during times of deep social, political, and economic crisis, soaring unemployment, rising poverty. Their activity intensifies precisely when the masses begin to stir, when outrage at the policies of the two major bourgeois parties reaches a boiling point, and when the working class starts to move: strikes erupt, demands escalate, unions are formed, and mass actions, such as the pro-Palestine movement or anti-ICE confrontations, multiply.

Anyone who uses social media has likely noticed that their feed is increasingly flooded with competing forms of vile racism. Social media does not simply reflect public opinion, it accelerates and amplifies political trends that are rooted in deeper changes in the economic structure. As imperialist contradictions sharpen, class-based politics recede, and social-democratic or liberal models of managing capitalism begin to collapse under their own weight, reactionary forces step in. They present themselves as viable alternatives, aiming to rally support to their cause. 

As the official mechanisms of repression ramp up, the bourgeoisie and its political lackeys deploy their rhetoric, and forces embedded in the so-called “deep state” emerge to play their role. Capitalism, crippled in the midst of internal crisis, mutates its image. In this new guise, it seeks to draw sections of the working class and popular strata into the abyss of belligerent nationalism, a prelude to broader inter-imperialist conflicts that loom ever nearer, conflicts in which the governments of the Democrats are equally responsible. This toxic nationalist and xenophobic discourse reflects the interests of the sections of US capital losing ground in the global distribution of markets and resources, particularly in the face of China’s rise.

Within the far-right’s reactionary network festers the seeds of open Nazi-fascist ideology. We make no apologies in stating plainly: these elements are criminals because they are Nazis.

What are the goals of the ‘far-right’?

To attack the workers’ and communist movement, freeze demands, and take a hammer to all social and labor rights for the interests of the employers. To disorganize and divide the ranks of workers so that they cannot present a common class force that would allow the working class to win rights in the workplace.

They serve to obscure the causes of the social problems that people face. They point out migrant workers, LGBTQ+ people, the socialists, the communists, the Jew, as the culprit for our problems, deflecting all attention away from the root problem: capitalism.

The far-right will attempt to employ a rhetoric of being against the system, but its ideological matrix gives an alibi to the system and problems it causes.

Here, we highlight many of the far-right fringe groups and even Nazi groups that support or supported the Trump presidency:

[-] David Duke

[-] Jared Taylor

[-] Chris Hood & NSC-131

[-] Richard Spencer (supported the first Trump administration, but switched to supporting Kamala Harris in 2024 elections)

[-] Various groups who may not “officially” endorse Trump but hold water for his concepts of “America First”: such as the National Socialist Movement (NSM), which has chapters in a significant number of states.

How are capital and the bourgeois state connected to these groups? Why do they maintain this connection?

One major example is the Koch family. The Koch family has long had ties with the intellectuals who seek to beautify Nazism, demonstrating how capital is in bed with these groups. The Koch family, a financier of the conservative Tea Party, which has since joined the right-wing Freedom Caucus, has been a prominent player in shifting the political scene further right. This family has an entire network of think-tanks, advocacy groups, and funding sources for individual politicians.

The far-right and its related Nazi-fascist elements have a complex network with ties to officials at various levels of the government.

Some examples:

[-] Matt Gaetz – Connected to Chuck Johnson, an alt-right activist whose connection to Peter Thiel unveils an ecosystem of the so-called ‘Paypal Mafia’ leading to the rise of JD Vance.

[-] Marjorie Taylor Greene – Greene maintains connections to Nick Fuentes and attends along with other elected officials, notably Paul Gosar, the America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC).

[-] John Stanon – Considered the founder of the organized “nativist” movement, with a vast network of anti-immigration organizations (FAIR, NumbersUSA, CIS) whose directors served as officials in the Trump administrations—Ken Cuccinelli, Robert Law, Stephen Miller (connections to Richard Spencer and emails with Jared Taylor). A total of 12 officials with positions or connections to these organizations have served in the Trump administration.

[-] Sebastian Gorka – Served as an advisor to Viktor Orban. 

[-] The Base – Formed in 2018 by a previous FBI and Pentagon contractor, Rinaldo Nazzaro, owner of Omega Solutions International. 

Are the far-right-fascist forces unified?

We assess that the bourgeoisie in our country, as across the capitalist world, does not yet need fascism. This is because we are not witnessing a genuine surge of revolutionary forces threatening to overthrow bourgeois states in order to construct socialism. Neither are we yet witnessing a terminal crisis in the capitalist order, though that moment looms ever nearer. For now, fascism remains unnecessary as a form of governance.

However, on various “hot button” issues, particularly immigration, the language now echoed by mainstream politicians was, not long ago, confined to Nazi-fascist groups.

It is important to understand that the far-right does not grow in isolation. Its growth is nourished by those very same politicians, such as the “Squad”, Bernie Sanders, and the Democrats, who parade themselves as “progressives,” “anti-fascists,” and “defenders of democracy,” yet equally serve the monopolies. 

Their pitch to us is always the same: “if you don’t vote for us, you’ll get fascism”. In this way, they exploit the existence of the far-right, turning it into a political commodity, while doing nothing to combat the root of the problem that is capitalism and the domination of the monopolies. They refuse to outlaw the participation of far-right-fascist organizations, their leaders or their companies. They fail to prosecute their crimes. They offer no real material improvement to the lives of the working class. Instead, they escalate repression of social unrest, deepening the anger and disillusionment that right-wing forces feed on.

The bourgeois state is an apparatus of repression by its nature, regardless of its label, and has always found use in the far-right. However, neither the government of Trump nor the capitalist sectors behind it have yet to participate in collectively organizing the various far-right and fascist groups into a single front, with programmatic unity to smash a strong revolutionary movement or take state power. 

These groups remain affected by splits and disagreements. For example, the break-up of the Nationalist Front and the splintering of one its main groups, Vanguard America. The various far-right groups, while outwardly demonstrating unity on xenophobia, Islamophobia, nationalism, Christianity, and nativism, still differ over major questions, for example, the scale of the State, religious divisions, and the inclusion of national, ethnic, or sexual minorities in their ranks. Even the question of supporting Trump has become a dividing factor in these groups, due to some groups maintaining the anti-Jewish foundation of Nazi ideology. 

What is certain is that the State shifts between various far-right groups based on their particular suitability to capital in a given period. It needs them. Take, for example, the usage of the Cuban mafia and exiles, trained by the CIA to attempt to overthrow the Cuban Revolution in mid-late 1900s. Now, the State is finding usage of the forces which single out immigrants, LGBTQ+ people, and other “unwanted” groups. 

The Historical Role of the ‘Far-Right’

The history of the far-right and fascist movements in the US can be traced back to the Ku Klux Klan and, more broadly, to the use of racism, as a tool of colonial expansion by capitalist powers since the 19th century. In the US, this is its westward expansion, slaughter of Native Americans, annexation of Mexican lands, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the capture of Puerto Rico and Hawaii and their domination from 1898, and so on. Its usefulness is in the DNA of capitalism, as a means of private ownership of the land, a fundamental characteristic of the capitalist system.

The KKK, founded during the Reconstruction Era, functioned as a weapon of the defeated Confederate states in agreement with the capitalists of the North, enforcing Jim Crow laws, to keep freed slaves in conditions of bondage and hyper-exploitation.But its role did not stop there. 

The Klan quickly became an instrument for the capitalist state and employers, especially in the 20th century, when the labor movement was on the rise. It served to divide the working class along racial lines and was unleashed as a shock force against communists, striking workers, migrant workers, and organized labor. It was not only confined to the South but also grew in the North.

The far-right and fascist forces have always been a tool of capital, never an aberration. We can see their seeds in the conservative coalition which rallied sections of big capital against Roosevelt and found support from people like Randolph Hearst (supported the German Nazi Party), Charles Coughlin (supported policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy), Gerald Winrod, and Howard Smith (proposed the anti-communist Smith act and supported maintaining segregation). Wall Street in 1933 attempted to organize, with the whistleblower Smedley Butler at its head, an army of veterans to overthrow Roosevelt.

None of this has changed. The far-right and its ilk find a useful recruitment tap from the military, the police forces, and have members inserted into both repressive apparatuses. Multiple FBI reports have confirmed that these groups maintain active connections with law enforcement. For example, some private companies providing outsourced training services have ties to far-right organizations. These repressive forces are then deployed against working-class communities, especially Black and Latino workers, in their neighborhoods. In several states, they have also been deputized to enforce the Trump administration’s barbarous immigration laws. 

The far-right is also a vehicle for dismantling public education. It creates opportunities for private investment by pushing policies that steadily privatize schools or divert public funds to charter schools under the pretext of “school choice”, combating “woke ideology”, and “putting God back in schools”. 

A key player in this effort is Moms for Liberty. This group has documented ties to the Proud Boys and millions in funding, including from the family that owns the grocery chain Publix, the same family that also helped bankroll Trump’s January 6 “Stop the Steal” rally. Connected to advancing privatization is how the far-right serves to attack teachers’ unions, one of the last obstacles of the bourgeoisie to fully commodifying education in the US.

The far-right is not a deviation from the norms of the capitalist system but a natural outgrowth of the system, emerging like maggots from the corpse of a rotting system. In the moment of a sharp crisis, fascism serves as the last reserve in the army of capital. When the fissures in the system burst at the seams and revolution comes knocking at the door, capital in its death throes unleashes the far-right and fascist forces. To be prepared to face this threat, our movement must destroy the very capitalist system that births such foul barbarity. We must understand that the reactionaries in all their varied forms represent the bare face of capitalism. The working class, fighting against such villains, must champion the future society, socialism-communism, where such barbarity will have no basis.